Friday, May 22, 2009

The American self-help legalist's Bible

You may not have known this, but Thomas Nelson [corrected; why I put Zondervan initially, I don't know] recently produced something called The American Patriot's Bible:  The Word of God and the Shaping of America.  I wouldn't have known it, except my wife recently signed up as a book-review blogger with Zondervan and ended up reviewing it.  This appears to be a product much akin to the recent Green Bible from HarperCollins, except that where the Green Bible pushes environmental dogma, the APB pushes a politically conservative form of what Christian Smith dubbed "moralistic therapeutic deism."  As my wife wrote,

There is plenty to encourage the idea that what God wants from us is to work harder. There is nothing here for the broken, repentant sinner, aware of his own inadequacy, whose desperate hope is to fall at the foot of the cross and find grace.

When Jared Wilson writes about "the weird modern desire for legalism," well, this appears to be the Bible to support that desire.  Thomas Nelson has not blessed the American church by producing it.

Dick Cheney's ratings rising

According to a recent CNN poll, the number of Americans with a favorable opinion of Dick Cheney has risen eight percent since he left office; his ratings are still lower than NBC's, but they have at least improved significantly.  The obvious explanation for this is his media tour; now that he, freed from the Bush administration's shackles, has begun publicly defending himself and the administration and pleading the case for its policies and actions (as in the speech he gave this week at the American Enterprise Institute), people are listening.  Now that someone is actually presenting the defense for the Bush administration—something President Bush never did, and doesn't seem to have wanted anyone else to do—it's having an effect.  In particular, I suspect he's giving people reason to see the distinction between himself (and President Bush) and Barack Obama in a different light.

Of course, the media don't want to admit this.  CNN polling director Keating Holland said (and you can almost hear the sniff),

Is Cheney's uptick due to his visibility as one of the most outspoken critics of the Obama administration? Almost certainly not. Former President George W. Bush's favorable rating rose 6 points in that same time period, and Bush has not given a single public speech since he left office.

As a response, this is, quite frankly, pathetic.  If Vice President Cheney were defending himself to the exclusion of President Bush, this would be logical; as it is, it doesn't pass the smell test.  A far likelier explanation is that the vice president's media tour is the cause of the rise in both their favorable ratings, because he's addressing a major cause for the negative view of both of them.

Brand perception of the New York Times

I ran across, courtesy of Chris Forbes, an interesting site called brand tags, which describes itself as "A collective experiment in brand perception. . . . The basic idea of this site is that a brand exists entirely in people's heads. Therefore, a brand is whatever they say it is."  The mechanism is simple:  the site displays a logo, and you enter the first word or phrase that comes to mind.  It then adds that tag to the tag cloud on that logo.  Once you've tagged enough brands, you can look at the tag clouds and see what people associate with various logos and brands.

One that I found particularly interesting was the tag cloud on the New York Times.  Among the largest ones, representing those most often entered, were some obvious ones like "newspaper," and some positive ones like "authoritative," "intelligent," "reliable," and "serious"; one of the largest was "crossword," which probably shouldn't have surprised me.  Along with "paper" and "newspaper," though, the largest single one was "liberal," and there were a number of other prominent ones associating liberal bias with the Grey Lady.  This isn't surprising, but I did think it was interesting, and I don't imagine it's anything the folks at the NYT are happy about.  Click the link and see for yourself.

Thursday, May 21, 2009

The politics of personal destruction, intra-GOP edition: take 2

R. A. Mansour, explaining the reason and purpose for the founding of Conservatives4Palin, wrote,

Sarah Palin wasn't able to return home from the campaign. The campaign continues, and she is forced to fight a war on two fronts—the local and the national. As long as the campaign continues, we'll be here to watch her back.

This continues to be true; and the most frustrating part is that each of these fronts in turn has two fronts, as she is assailed both by liberals, from whom one would expect no better, and also by other conservatives.  I have to think that Reagan would be infuriated by the way in which his Eleventh Commandment ("Thou shalt not speak ill of a fellow Republican") is routinely ignored when it comes to Gov. Palin; I also think that he would have no trouble diagnosing the reason.  President Reagan famously had a plaque on his desk that read, "There is no limit to what you can accomplish when you don't care who gets the credit"; these people who are attacking her, and cloaking their attacks in the language of conservatism, aren't doing so for reasons of principle, but because they care who gets the credit.  They care very much, and they don't want it to be her.

What they fail to understand is that when you care who gets the credit, that sharply limits what you can accomplish—and the more you care, the more limited you are.  Hurting Gov. Palin may well increase the chance that Mitt Romney or Jeb Bush or Tim Pawlenty wins the 2012 GOP presidential nomination, but even more, it increases the chance that Barack Obama wins the 2012 general election.  The only politicians who profit from attacks on Sarah Palin are Democrats, and the only party that is helped is the Democratic Party.  Republicans of influence, be they in office or in the conservative media, need to grow up, shut up, and stop trying to run down Gov. Palin, because not only is it wrong, it's only going to hurt them and their preferred causes, not help them; the knife they plant in her back is the knife in their own.  Republicans acting like Democrats only profits Democrats.

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

Barack Obama's Achilles heel

I commented earlier today on the latest attempt by the OSM (Obama-stream media), in the person of New York Times gossip columnist Maureen Dowd, to pre-emptively defend their adored idol, Barack Obama, by asserting that any terrorist attack during his time in office won't be his fault, it will be Dick Cheney's fault.  This is, as I noted, not an isolated thing, but part of a broader campaign to ensure that any bad event or outcome is blamed on the Republicans, and primarily on the Bush administration; though a superficially appealing approach, I argued that it infantilizes President Obama and renders him unworthy of respect, because it essentially says that he can't be held to the same standard as other presidents.  It makes him less effectual, powerful, influential, and important than his predecessor (and even his predecessor's VP!), and thereby makes him a lesser figure.

Fortunately or unfortunately, I also don't think people will buy it; we're too accustomed to the Harry S Truman ("The buck stops here") approach for many people to swallow "It's not my fault" coming from our president.  We'll take a lot of things, but I don't believe avoidance of responsibility will be one of them.  However, let's suppose for a moment that I'm wrong.  Let's suppose that when the first batch of folks the Obama administration releases from Gitmo turn around and help nuke the World Series, or turn a superbug loose on the Washington Mall on the Fourth of July, or whatever they do, that the American public in fact exonerates the president and buys the line that it's all Dick Cheney's fault.  Let's suppose that a year from now, the voters still pin the problems in our banking system on the Bush administration and hold Barack Obama blameless for the failure of his programs.  Let's suppose that the polls reveal the attitude that if things are getting worse, it's just because George W. Bush did such a lousy job.

There's still one thing that the president won't be able to duck, and it's something no one seems to be thinking about:  gas prices.  For whatever reason, all the prognostications I've seen are ignoring them, effectively assuming that they'll remain where they were at the beginning of the year—and they won't.  Indeed, they already haven't.  Three or four weeks ago, gas prices here were below $1.90 a gallon; right now, they're sitting at $2.459, and they're only going to keep going up.  It won't be long before they're back over $3 a gallon, and I wouldn't be surprised to see them back over $4 a gallon by Labor Day.

Why?  Because gas prices were driven up in large part by speculation in oil futures, and the biggest thing that drove the price of futures down was Congress' action in letting the offshore-drilling ban expire.  The prospect of a dramatic expansion in American domestic oil production exerted considerable downward pressure on oil futures, which brought down the price of oil, and thus the price of gas.  That prospect is no longer in place, thanks to the policies of the new administration, which is resolutely opposed to any sort of energy development except for those forms which are supposedly "green."  That means that the conditions are back in place for oil and gas prices to rise, which they're already doing; that in turn means that speculating in futures, betting on them to continue to rise, will once again be a profitable activity.  With so many people who are now a lot poorer than they used to be and so few means available for them to correct that situation, it seems likely to me that we'll once again see speculation start to drive up the price of oil futures, and that the price of gas will once again follow suit.

And if I'm right, there will be no earthly way for Barack Obama or any of his media stooges to blame George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, or anyone on the Republican side of the aisle for that—but there will be a great many Republicans, led by Sarah Palin, to say "I told you so."  It will be all on him, and Nancy Pelosi, and Harry Reid, and the rest of the Democratic cabal now running this country, and no way for them to avoid the blame.

My new second-favorite politician

This is Marco Rubio, son of Cuban immigrants, candidate for the Republican nomination for U. S. Senate from Florida, giving his farewell address to the Florida House of Representatives.  It's a powerful evocation of why the United States is a great country, combined with a remarkable mini-sermon on the love and grace of God.  If he ever wants to leave politics, this man could make a real contribution preaching the gospel.




HT:  Robert Stacy McCain

The OSM (Obama-stream media) theme song

Consequence Free

Wouldn't it be great if no one ever got offended?
Wouldn't it be great to say what's really on your mind?
I have always said all the rules are made for bending;
And if I let my hair down, would that be such a crime?

I wanna be consequence-free;
I wanna be where nothing needs to matter.
I wanna be consequence-free,
Just sing Na Na Na Na Na Na Ya Na Na.

I could really use to lose my Catholic conscience,
'Cause I'm getting sick of feeling guilty all the time.
I won't abuse it, yeah, I've got the best intentions
For a little bit of anarchy, but not the hurting kind.

Chorus

I couldn't sleep at all last night
'Cause I had so much on my mind.
I'd like to leave it all behind,
But you know it's not that easy

Chorus

Wouldn't it be great if the band just never ended?
We could stay out late and we would never hear last call.
We wouldn't need to worry about approval or permission;
We could slip off the edge and never worry about the fall.

Chorus

It's a catchy song, and the video (which is below, if you're interested) is the sort of fun, goofy piece that Great Big Sea likes to do.  It's also, as I've said somewhere, one of the stupidest song lyrics I've ever run across.  What does it mean when our actions are consequence-free?  When our actions have no consequences, we say they're inconsequential; that means they don't matter, which is why inconsequential is a synonym for unimportant or insignificant.  If nothing we ever did had consequences, if none of it ever mattered, then we wouldn't matter; if all our actions were insignificant, it would mean that we would be insignificant, our lives would be meaningless.  As I wrote last fall,

The key is that our actions matter because we matter. Indeed, we matter enough to God that he was willing to pay an infinite price for our salvation; and so our actions matter greatly to him, both for their effect on others (who matter to him as much as we do) and for their effect on us. Our actions have eternal consequence because we are beings of eternal consequence; it could not be otherwise.

Only a fool could wish for insignificance; it's profoundly foolish even to feign a wish for such a thing.

Now, it's hardly a new or shocking idea to suggest that our media establishment is composed largely of fools, but they're so far in the tank for Barack Obama that it's taking them to new and surprising depths of folly.  We see this particularly in the ongoing effort by the MSM—who would be better called the OSM, the Obama-stream media; they're so deep in his pocket, they're nothing more than pocket lint at this point—to render the president consequence-free, at least when it comes to negative consequences:  if anything bad happens, it's all that evil Bush's fault, or that evil Cheney's fault, or the fault of some other evil Republican.  The deepest depths of this drivel (so far) have been plumbed by Maureen Dowd, who wrote in the New York Times,

No matter if or when terrorists attack here, and they’re on their own timetable, not a partisan, red/blue state timetable, Cheney will be deemed the primary one who made America more vulnerable.

In other words, it doesn't matter when it happens, or what happens, or how it happens, or what could have happened, or what the president and his administration have done, or what they haven't done, or what they could have done, or what they should have done—according to Maureen Dowd, if terrorists ever do anything here again, no matter what, it's Dick Cheney's fault.

Now, to a superficial mind, I can see the appeal of this:  it preserves the "blame everything on the GOP" strategy that got the Democratic Party to power, wherein it is asserted that only the GOP can do or cause bad things, while all good things are solely to the credit of the donkeys.  What Dowd apparently fails to see, however, is the way in which her assertion completely emasculates President Obama and his administration.  What she's essentially saying is that Barack Obama is fundamentally inconsequential and ineffectual, at least by comparison to the previous administration.  George W. Bush and Dick Cheney are the ones with the real power, the ones who really matter; Barack Obama just can't be expected to compare, or to have the same kind of effect on the world.  He can't be held responsible if al'Qaeda or somebody else attacks us, because, um, it can't possibly be his fault, because, uh, well, he just can't be; there has to be someone else to blame.  The buck doesn't stop at his desk; that's above his pay grade, or something.

I'm sorry, but when people start saying things like that about the President of the United States, that's just pathetic.  But hey, at least he can dance around and look cool, like these guys:


Tuesday, May 19, 2009

Gov. Palin and the abortion shift

About that time there arose no little disturbance concerning the Way. For a man named Demetrius, a silversmith, who made silver shrines of Artemis, brought no little business to the craftsmen. These he gathered together, with the workmen in similar trades, and said, “Men, you know that from this business we have our wealth. And you see and hear that not only in Ephesus but in almost all of Asia this Paul has persuaded and turned away a great many people, saying that gods made with hands are not gods. And there is danger not only that this trade of ours may come into disrepute but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis may be counted as nothing, and that she may even be deposed
from her magnificence, she whom all Asia and the world worship.”

—Ephesians 19:23-27 (ESV)

Recent polling on American opinions on abortion has shown some interesting results.  According to American Thinker,

In [August] 2008, overall support for keeping abortion legal in all or most cases, was at 54%, a clear majority. This year, however, Pew polling found that support for legal abortion is down to 46%, while support for making the procedure illegal in most or all cases rose from 41% to 44%. . . .

Support for keeping abortion legal in most or all cases among the 18-29 year olds has fallen a full 5% since last August. In August 2008, legal abortion support among 18-29 year olds stood at 52%; this April it's down to 47%. Support for making abortion illegal in most or all cases has risen 3% and is now at 48%. . . .

The most notable decline in the support for legal abortion has been among those highly-cherished, sought after Independent voters. As Pew notes:

There has been notable decline in the proportion of independents saying abortion should be legal in most or all cases; majorities of independents favored legal abortion in August and the two October surveys, but just 44% do so today. In addition, the proportion of moderate and liberal Republicans saying abortion should be legal declined between August and late October (from 67% to 57%). In the current survey, just 43% of moderate and liberal Republicans say abortion should legal in most or all cases.

The most recent Gallup polling backs up this shift:

A new Gallup Poll, conducted May 7-10, finds 51% of Americans calling themselves “pro-life” on the issue of abortion and 42% “pro-choice.” This is the first time a majority of U.S. adults have identified themselves as pro-life since Gallup began asking this question in 1995.

The new results, obtained from Gallup's annual Values and Beliefs survey, represent a significant shift from a year ago, when 50% were pro-choice and 44% pro-life. Prior to now, the highest percentage identifying as pro-life was 46%, in both August 2001 and May 2002.

The May 2009 survey documents comparable changes in public views about the legality of abortion. In answer to a question providing three options for the extent to which abortion should be legal, about as many Americans now say the procedure should be illegal in all circumstances (23%) as say it should be legal under any circumstances (22%). This contrasts with the last four years, when Gallup found a strong tilt of public attitudes in favor of unrestricted abortion.

Americans' recent shift toward the pro-life position is confirmed in two other surveys. The same three abortion questions asked on the Gallup Values and Beliefs survey were included in Gallup Poll Daily tracking from May 12-13, with nearly identical results, including a 50% to 43% pro-life versus pro-choice split on the self-identification question. . . .

The source of the shift in abortion views is clear in the Gallup Values and Beliefs survey. The percentage of Republicans (including independents who lean Republican) calling themselves “pro-life” rose by 10 points over the past year, from 60% to 70%, while there has been essentially no change in the views of Democrats and Democratic leaners.

Clearly, there has been a significant shift in the electorate on this issue—not overwhelming, but significant—since last August.  R. A. Mansour offers, I believe, the key explanation for this shift:

A sharp decline since last August? Hmmm, what happened last August?

Oh, yes. Hurricane Sarah happened. And she introduced the nation to her beautiful and perfect son Trig.

It seems to me that the pro-abortion lobby depends for its success on people not looking too closely at abortion or thinking about it too deeply; that's why they fight tooth and nail any effort to require doctors to give women considering abortion any information about what will be done to them (beyond of course the minimum:  “You will no longer be pregnant at the end of it”).  With any other surgical procedure, the law requires that patients be fully informed so as to be able to give appropriate consent—but not with abortion, because giving women more information might cause them to change their mind and choose not to have one after all.  The pro-abortion lobby doesn't want them to make that choice, and so it seeks to keep them uninformed.

Gov. Palin's abrupt appearance on the national scene, however, got a lot of people thinking about abortion in a way they hadn't before; Pew and Gallup are now showing us the consequences of that fact.  It's no surprise, then, that the likes of Demetrius in our own day are stirring up a riot;  you can almost hear them talking amongst themselves:

Men, you know that from this business we have our wealth. And you see and hear that not only in Alaska but across America this Palin has persuaded and turned away a great many people, saying that Abortion is not really good. And there is danger not only that this trade of ours may come into disrepute but also that the temple of the great goddess Abortion may be counted as nothing, and that she may even be deposed from her magnificence,
she whom all Hollywood and the world worship.”

For all their sneers and smears, it's really Gov. Palin's opponents who are on the side of ignorance, because they're the ones who profit from it.

This is an absolute crime

Read this—it's beyond belief. I don't know what part of the president's economic policy is supposed to justify the illegal seizure of a man's business, or to excuse forcing him into bankruptcy and rendering his 50+ employees abruptly unemployed, but this is completely infuriating. This goes against everything this country is supposed to be about.

Monday, May 18, 2009

The battle belongs to the Lord

2 Chronicles 20 records a crisis in the life of Judah during the time of King Jehoshaphat.  The nation of Judah, the southern kingdom of the Israelites, had been invaded by armies from an alliance of three of their longstanding enemies—Moab, Ammon, and the people of Mt. Seir, the Meunites—and by the time the king got word, those armies had already overcome Israel’s frontier defenses and advanced as far as En-Gedi. This was important because En-Gedi was a major oasis west of the Dead Sea, and probably fortified, to boot—it certainly was later on; capturing En-Gedi meant that the allied armies had a source of fresh water and a base from which to support themselves as they pushed on into Judah. This was a big, big piece of very bad news.

In response, Jehoshaphat called a fast throughout the country, asking everyone to set aside food and all their normal activities to pray to God for help. Those who could do so came to Jerusalem, and they had a big prayer service, and the king stood up and prayed.  His prayer expresses his faith that God can and will deliver his people if we cry out to him, founded in this assertion: “O Lord, God of our fathers, are you not the God who is in heaven? You rule over all the kingdoms of the nations. Power and might are in your hand, and no one can withstand you.”

God is the God of everything, and he rules over everything, and everything is under his control—including the global economic system, including the government of this country, including the governments of nations like Iran and North Korea, including the leaders of al’Qaeda and other terrorist groups, including those in this country who want to criminalize certain biblical opinions (as they’ve already succeeded in doing in Canada). In all of it, in every part of it, God is in control, and nothing happens except he allows it. As such, when hard times come, we can cry out to him in full confidence that what we ask, he can do.

So King Jehoshaphat prays, and all his people pray, and then God’s Spirit inspires one of the Levites, a member of the priestly tribe, and he begins to prophesy. And notice what he says: “Don’t be afraid or discouraged because of this vast army. For the battle is not yours, but God’s. . . . Go out to face them tomorrow, and the LORD will be with you.”

The battle is not yours, but God’s. There are all sorts of examples across the books of the Old Testament of Israel and Judah being attacked, being invaded, coming under threat, and of their rulers praying, seeking God, sometimes meeting God’s prophets when they’re trying to avoid seeking God; some of these rulers were godly and faithful people, as much as you can expect, and some of them were rather less so. Some get happy messages, like Jehoshaphat did here—he was one of the good ones—and some don’t. As we saw in looking at Isaiah, Judah would ultimately be conquered and its people taken off into exile as a judgment on them for their sins. Military victory isn’t always in the cards for them, because their agenda and God’s don’t always line up. But the fundamental message is always the same to these rulers: the battle is not yours, but God’s. 

This gets said a dozen different ways by a dozen different prophets to a dozen different kings. God is in control here, and he’s going to accomplish his purposes. It’s not up to you in your own strength, by your own little schemes and plans and methods, to make this happen—God’s going to do that. Sometimes that means his judgment is coming, and you’re not going to be able to turn it aside; sometimes—more often, really—it means that his deliverance is coming, and you can be free of the fear of screwing it up, or being inadequate to the task. Always it means that God is supreme, and that it’s only by his power that the battle will be won; not that we’re free to do nothing, because he still calls us to do our part, but that we need to let go the idea that it depends on us and our efforts.

Thus the prophet tells Jehoshaphat, “The battle is not yours, but God’s,” but he doesn’t tell the king to stay home and get on with other things. Instead, he tells them to march out of the city and take up defensive positions against the enemy—to go out to the battle, and then let God fight it. And so what do they do? They go out to the desert and take up their defensive positions, and then they take up their weapon: they sing songs of praise to God for the deliverance that hasn’t happened yet. And as they begin to sing—not before, but only as they act in faith and declare through their praise their certainty that God will be faithful to do as he has promised—it is then that God ambushes the enemy armies, turning them against each other and destroying them. He gives them the victory, through their faith; and he does the same for us.

(Excerpted, edited, from “In the Midst of Suffering”)

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Boldly going all over again

I have not yet gotten the chance to see the new Star Trek—this week has just been too crazy—but I'm hoping my wife and I will be able to go sometime next week.  In the meantime, I've been interested to read the various reviews and comments (including, of course, the brilliant spoof The Onion came up with—see below), which have left me looking forward to the movie.  I'd rather see a sequel to Serenity (preferably involving a couple resurrections), but good Trek is a solid second-best.  Of everything I've read, I might be biased, but I've appreciated my friend Eli Evans' analysis the most—especially this, which I think is quite insightful:

Trek presents us a vision of a future that, frankly, I wouldn’t want to live in. It seems like the most ponderous, politically correct, and (quick! think of another word that begins with “p” . . . yes!) and perfect place. Too perfect. . . .

It’s as if the UN were running the world—no, the galaxy—and (get this) they’re doing a bang-up job. Suspension of disbelief, indeed.

James Tiberius Kirk always rubbed against the grain of that society. Why? Because he refused to evolve beyond his petty human ego. He realized that human nature has no history. People are people, no matter where (or when) you go. Kirk is an un-reconstituted man in a world that is entirely reconstituted, right down to the replicated coffee and doughnuts. (Wait, no. Starfleet personnel definitely do not eat doughnuts. Unless they were square and made of a substance resembling balsa wood.)

Much of the dramatic tension in the 60’s TV show came from the conflict between the adventurer Kirk and his bureaucratic surroundings. Starfleet Command is chirping on the subspace frequency? Don’t answer it, Lt. Uhura. We have aliens to fry.

Now, I like “Star Trek: The Next Generation,” and I have a lot of respect for Patrick Stewart as an actor. But then and there, the Trek producers pretty much de-fanged the franchise. Picard is a man settled into his society. Yes, he pops out of gear now and then, but for the most part, he’s a cog in the Starfleet machine.


Trekkies Bash New Star Trek Film As 'Fun, Watchable'

Barack Obama tries to duck accountability . . . again

This from Andy McCarthy on the current state of the argument over releasing more photos from Abu Ghraib.  The Obama administration is claiming to have come up with a new argument against the release, when in fact (as they surely know full well) they're advancing the same argument made by the Bush administration:

As the Second Circuit Court of Appeals' decision last September in ACLU v. Dep't of Defense relates, back in 2005, the Bush Justice Department first argued, in the district court, that the release of the photos "could reasonably be expected to endanger the physical safety of United States troops, other Coalition forces, and civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan." The judge rejected this argument—incorrectly in my view, for what that may be worth—despite acknowledging the "risk that the enemy will seize upon the publicity of the photographs and seek to use such publicity as a pretext for enlistments and violent acts." (Opinion at pp. 4-5). Then, as the three-judge Second Circuit panel noted, this national security argument became the Bush Justice Department's "lead argument on this appeal." (Id., pp. 8 & ff.) It's simply false for Gibbs to contend otherwise.

Why all the legerdemain? Because, as I said in the lead argument made in Tuesday's column (and on which I will elaborate in a new article later today): Obama is using this litigation as a smokescreen. He's now getting plaudits for reversing himself and his Justice Department (which, in contrast to the Bush Justice Department, didn't want to fight this case at all—just wanted to release the photos). But he is still trying to get away with voting present—which is to say, he is hiding behind the judges.

McCarthy explains by saying,

It is in Obama's power, right this minute, to end this debacle by issuing an executive order suppressing disclosure of the photos due to national security and foreign policy concerns. As I've noted, there's no need to get into a Bush-era debate over the limits of executive power here. In the Freedom of Information Act, indeed, in FOIA's very first exemption, Congress expressly vests him with that authority. See Title 5, U.S. Code, Section 552(b)(1)(A) (FOIA disclosure mandate “does not apply to matters that are …specifically authorized under criteria established by an Executive order to be kept secret in the interest of national defense or foreign policy and . . . are in fact properly classified pursuant to such Executive order”).

Besides being simple, issuing such an order would be a strong position and the screamingly obvious right thing to do. But it would also be a fully accountable thing to do, and that's why President Obama is avoiding it. He realizes—especially after he surrendered details of our interrogation methods to the enemy—that he can't afford to undermine the war effort again so quickly and so blatantly; but his heart is with the Left on this—that's why he agreed to the release of the photos in the first place and why he is trying to prevent mutiny within his base. So here's the game: Obama tells those of us who care about national security that he is taking measures to protect the troops and the American people, but he also tells the Left that he hasn't made any final decisions about the photos and that the question is really for the courts to decide. That's why he carefully couched yesterday's reversal as a "delay" in the release of the photos.

Alternatively, of course, if the president really believes that releasing the photos is the "screamingly obvious right thing to do," he could just go ahead and order it done; but that would also be a fully accountable thing to do, and so would not answer his core objective. McCarthy goes on to note that the administration has not elected to invoke the executive-order provision in its FOIA defense, but rather "a section relating to the withholding of records 'compiled for law enforcement purposes,'" presumably leading with a weaker argument to increase the odds that the court will order the release of the photos.  That way President Obama can get what he wants without actually having to do it himself and thus take responsibility for it.

Of course, all this involves trying to manipulate the court, and as McCarthy notes, that may not go over well:

I can assure you that federal judges don't like to be toyed with. Supreme Court justices may not mind if the administration treats the media like a lap-dog and the public like we're a bunch of rubes; but, regardless of their political leanings, the justices have goo-gobs of self-esteem, and they will not take kindly to being treated like pawns in the Obamaestro's game. The Solicitor General should expect some very tough questions about why the busy justices should waste their valuable time grappling with a tough, life-and-death legal issue when Obama could simply issue an order—regardless of how the Court rules—suppressing the photos. This, of course, is the question the media should be asking. Unlike the White House press corps, the justices will take the time to understand what's happening and they will not roll over.

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

Lay down your specialness

Have this mind among yourselves, which is yours in Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God, did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped, but made himself nothing, taking the form of a servant, being born in the likeness of men. And being found in human form, he humbled himself by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross. Therefore God has highly exalted him and bestowed on him the name that is above every name, so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, in heaven and on earth and under the earth, and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father.

—Philippians 2:5-11 (ESV)

I'm filling in right now for the regular leader of our Wednesday evening Bible study, leading those who come through Philippians (when he asked me to cover this period for him, we selected that together).  This evening, as we were working on 2:5-18, a couple dots connected for me that had never connected before, and I realized a bit more of the punch of this remarkable passage.

As you may know, the official Roman religion was emperor-worship, and its creed and sole tenet was “Caesar is Lord.”  The various emperors took their proclaimed divinity with varying degrees of seriousness, but they all valued it as the glue that held the empire together.  This, incidentally, is why Christians had such a rough time of it, because their insistence that Jesus alone is Lord made them a national security threat.  (Shades of Janet Napolitano.)

This is of particular importance in the letter to the Philippians because Philippi was a Roman colony, and thus everyone born in the city who was not born into slavery was a Roman citizen.  That put them ahead of most people who lived under Roman rule, for relatively few people in the empire had citizenship, and the difference in legal status between citizens and non-citizens was profound—only citizens could participate in political life (though they didn't have the option of not doing so), and only citizens received the full protection of Roman law.  Being a citizen was thus a very big deal, and so since native free Philippians all had citizenship, they took great pride in this fact, and in their city.  Their sense of Roman identity, of both their civil rights and their civic responsibilities, was very strong, and Caesar-worship was very strong in the city as well.

This meant that Christianity was counter-cultural in Philippi to a much greater degree than in most of the rest of the Roman Empire.  In this passage, though, Paul pushes that even further.  You see, one of the rights of Roman citizens was that they could not be crucified; in fact, Cicero once wrote,

To bind a Roman citizen is a crime; to flog him is an abomination; to execute him is almost an act of murder; to crucify him is—what? There is no fitting word that can possibly describe so horrible a deed.

As you can see, Roman citizens had a very high opinion of themselves; by virtue of their status as citizens, they were quite certain they were better than every other class of people on the planet.  The idea of being crucified would have been unspeakably, nauseatingly horrifying to them—maybe even more from the psychic shock and the assault on their identity and self-image than from the physical agony.  They were too special to be treated like that.  And yet Paul says, in effect, “Sure, you're special, you're Roman citizens; but look at Jesus—he was even more special; he was God become human, and look what he did.  Now you go and do likewise:  do not consider your status as citizens something to hang onto, but make yourselves nothing, taking on the full reality of slaves, and humble yourselves even to the point of death on a cross, if it should come to that.”

Lay down your specialness for Jesus Christ, and in humility, serve others, even to the point of laying down your life.  That's what it means to follow Jesus; that's the road that leads to sharing his reward.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

The gospel from the margins

Now there were four men who were lepers at the entrance to the gate. And they said to one another, “Why are we sitting here until we die? If we say, ‘Let us enter the city,’ the famine is in the city, and we shall die there. And if we sit here, we die also. So now come, let us go over to the camp of the Syrians. If they spare our lives we shall live, and if they kill us we shall but die.” So they arose at twilight to go to the camp of the Syrians. But when they came to the edge of the camp of the Syrians, behold, there was no one there. For the Lord had made the army of the Syrians hear the sound of chariots and of horses, the sound of a great army, so that they said to one another, “Behold, the king of Israel has hired against us the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Egypt to come against us.” So they fled away in the twilight and abandoned their tents, their horses, and their donkeys, leaving the camp as it was, and fled for their lives. And when these lepers came to the edge of the camp, they went into a tent and ate and drank, and they carried off silver and gold and clothing and went and hid them. Then they came back and entered another tent
and carried off things from it and went and hid them.

Then they said to one another, “We are not doing right. This day is a day of good news.
If we are silent and wait until the morning light, punishment will overtake us.
Now therefore come; let us go and tell the king's household.”

—2 Kings 7:3-9 (ESV)

This is a piece of a larger narrative that takes place during the reign of Jehoram, king of Israel, one of the sons of Ahab. You may remember King Ahab and his wife Jezebel, and how they were always at odds with the prophet Elijah. Ahab and his wife are both dead by this point, and Elijah has been taken up in the whirlwind; Jehoram reigns in Ahab’s place, and Elijah has been succeeded by his protégé, Elisha.

Jehoram’s actually not a bad king by Israel’s standards, as he generally treats Elisha with respect, but at the time of the story, things are going badly. Ben-Hadad, king of Aram—modern-day Syria—has invaded Israel and laid siege to the capital city, Samaria. This was on top of a famine in the land, and so there’s very little food in the city. In fact, things have gotten so bad that people are paying exorbitant prices for donkey heads and bird droppings just to have something to eat. It’s in this context that these four lepers decide that they might as well go see if they can surrender to the enemy; the worst that can happen is for the Arameans to kill them, and even then it’s likely to be a quick death—which is still better than starvation. And so they go down to the enemy camp, and what happens? They find it deserted. God has spooked the enemy, and the army has fled.

This is one of the great ironies of Israel’s history: four lepers, four outcasts, are now in possession of the good news of God’s deliverance. They are the heralds of salvation to a city they aren’t even allowed to enter, under normal circumstances. Indeed, the very fact that they were outcasts is what put them in position to make this discovery. Their first reaction is to keep it for themselves, but it doesn’t take them too long to wise up—and though their decision is partly pragmatic, it’s more than that, too; the desire to avoid getting in trouble plays its part, but the main reason they decide to bring their good news back to the city is that it’s the right thing to do. They had good news to report, and so they had the responsibility to share it with all those who needed it.

That’s where we as Christians find ourselves in these difficult times: we are those lepers. That can be hard for us to see, for a couple reasons, but it’s true. It’s hard to see, first off, because centuries of Christendom have covered our eyes to it—we aren’t used to seeing ourselves as marginal figures; we’re used to thinking of this as a Christian nation, and of ourselves as the majority and the mainstream. Demographically, that’s still true, but culturally, it really isn’t anymore, and practically speaking, it’s unhelpful; we need to realize that while the institutions of the church may still be prominent in this country, the message of the gospel—which is what the church is supposed to be about—is increasingly marginal, even among churchgoers. For the majority of people in this country, and in many congregations, “Christian” is defined roughly as being nice, being a pretty good person—or, to some people, being a royal hypocrite to pretend you’re better than everyone else when you’re not—going to church once in a while, and voting Republican. Oh, yeah, and liking Jesus. There’s not much more content to the cultural perception than that. If you start talking about the gospel, you might as well do it in the original Greek.

Like the lepers, we have been given good news to share with hungry people, and like them, if we tell people about it, we aren’t going to meet with automatic belief and acceptance. People want to hear “Follow us and all of your financial problems will be solved”—that’s the good news they’re hoping for—and unlike the lepers, we don’t have that message; we can’t promise people a return to what they’ve come to think of as the good life. Instead, what we have to offer is the faith of King Jehoshaphat: that when calamity and disaster come, if we will cry out to the Lord, he will hear us and save us. He doesn’t promise us prosperity in the midst of the meltdown, merely that he won’t let us be defeated by it. Which is not nothing, but isn’t necessarily what people are looking for, either. The good news we have to offer is much bigger and deeper than just financial prosperity; our responsibility is to help them see, by what we say and how we live, just what good news it is.

(Excerpted, edited, from “For Such a Time as This”)

Political fairy tales never end right

Once upon a time, there was a politician who said,

Let me be as clear as possible: I have said before and I will repeat again, I think people’s families are off limits, and people’s children are especially off limits. This shouldn’t be part of our politics. It has no relevance to Governor Palin’s performance as governor, or her potential performance as a VP. And so I would strongly urge people to back off these kinds of stories. . . .

You know my mother had me when she was 18, and how a family deals with issues and you know teenage children, that shouldn’t be the topic of our politics and I hope that anybody who is supporting me understands that’s off limits. . . .

Our people were not involved in any way in this, and they will not be. And if I ever thought that it was somebody in my campaign that was involved in something like that—they’d be fired.

That politician was very good at saying things that made people think highly of him, and so in the fullness of time, he grew up and became President of the United States. But along the way, he picked up a traveling companion, a Scarecrow named Joe who said whatever came into his mind, including using Gov. Palin's youngest child to score political points; and the politician didn't fire him, or stop him, or tell him to back off. And this was a sign that maybe he didn't mean what he said after all. And the press continued to do what he'd told them not to do, and he said nothing further; and this was another sign.

And then after the politician became president, there came the White House Correspondents' Dinner, at which it is traditional to have a comedian make fun of the president, to show that the president can laugh at himself and take a joke. But since this politician didn't like laughing at himself and taking jokes, they had a comedian to make fun of his opponents instead, including a crude "joke" about Gov. Palin and her family. The comedian told this joke right in front of the politician who had once said,

Let me be as clear as possible: I have said before and I will repeat again, I think people’s families are off limits, and people’s children are especially off limits. This shouldn’t be part of our politics.


In any proper fairy tale, this should be the cue for the politician to step up and say, "I said this was inappropriate, and I meant it. I said we need to respect those with whom we disagree, and I meant it. I said we need to base our politics on political issues, not on character assassination, and I meant it. Stop this nonsense right now." This should be the cue for the politician to defend the one unjustly abused.

Did he? No . . . he laughed. All his words about the good, the true and the beautiful were just words.

Political fairy tales never end right.

(Crossposted at Conservatives4Palin.)

On this blog in history: February 1-9, 2008

Another idea of a good Christian woman
My contribution to the Better Christian Woman conversation (see the links in the post if you missed that one).

The idolatry of American politics
Reflections on the ways in which politics and country are idols for many of us.

Decaf non-fat latté with a shot of God
If the church isn't challenging people with the gospel of Jesus Christ, then what's the point?

Keeping faith in mind
On why we don't have to choose between our brains and our beliefs.

Preliminary thoughts on the knowledge of God
On how we can know God without shrinking him.

Monday, May 11, 2009

Gospel victory in difficult times

Part of the good news that is ours in Jesus Christ is that now that Christ has won his victory, he extends that victory to us; accept that victory, accept his gift to us, and live accordingly. This is critical for us in understanding what it means to live the Christian life, because it points us to the fact that we should not expect Christ to leave us as we are, with the same old behavior patterns and the same old comfort zones. We may well have many of the same struggles—Jesus doesn’t magically make all our temptations go away when we become Christians—and indeed, as we grow closer to him, we tend to find new ones, as his Spirit convicts us of areas of sin that we’d overlooked; but though our struggles don’t disappear, our attitude toward them ought to change, and we ought to see progress in our lives toward the holiness of God. Our lives should not look the same as everyone else’s.

The problem in talking about Christian victory, though, is that we have to be careful to explain what we mean. After all, we have an idea of what victory means that we’ve learned from the world, and so it’s easy and natural to assume that God is talking about the same thing; that’s why we have the “prosperity gospel” types who teach that victorious Christian living means job success, financial comfort, a perfect marriage, kids who turn out exactly how you want them to turn out, and whatever else it might take to give you a perfect sense of self-satisfaction and self-fulfillment on your own terms. It’s basically your dream life on steroids, and if you don’t get it—if your life has disappointments and struggles and failures—well, then, you just must be a bad Christian.

And that isn’t the gospel. That isn’t even related to the gospel. When we talk about gospel victory, we need to remember first and foremost that our exemplar for gospel victory is Jesus—and what did his victory look like? Thorns—nails—public humiliation—and death from heart failure due to blood loss and dehydration. Victory in Jesus is not necessarily going to be a dream come true. In point of fact, where some like to talk about living in victory—your “best life,” whatever that means, now, without all the messy growth process—I think we do better to talk about living into Jesus’ victory, because it’s really not something that comes naturally for us. We have to retrain ourselves and our expectations, and our sense of what that victory actually means for us and our lives.

That begins, I think, with accepting that Jesus’ victory doesn’t mean victory over circumstances so much as it means victory in the midst of circumstances. God doesn’t save us out of the world, but rather into the world, for the sake of the world; he doesn’t insulate us from its problems because that would insulate us from the part he wants us to play in addressing them. As we look at the world around us, as we consider the hard times so many are facing, with layoffs and stock losses and foreclosures, it’s tempting to circle the wagons and focus on what this is doing to us. It’s a lot harder in times like this to sit up and say, “We don’t exist for our own sake, just to take care of ourselves; we exist for the world around us, and we need to keep our focus there.” But you know what? Hard as it may be, that is why we exist, and that is what we need to do; as Mordecai said to Esther, it’s for such a time as this that God placed us here to begin with.

(Excerpted, edited, from “For Such a Time as This”)

Bumper-sticker theology

I saw a bumper sticker the other day that read, "God bless the whole world—without exceptions."  You see variations on that theme from time to time.  I always want to catch the driver and thank them for their desire that God bless George W. Bush, Sarah Palin and the Republican Party, and then see what they say; and then to follow that up by asking them what they understand a prayer to bless Osama bin Laden, Ayman al'Zawahiri, and al'Qaeda to mean.  For my part, I know what it would mean for God to bless Osama—it would mean to bless him with repentance and to bring him to worship the one true God of the universe—but somehow I tend to doubt that those folks would agree with me.

Still, that bumper sticker catches in my mind because it makes me uncomfortable, and not for the reason you might think.  The truth is, I don't think I would ever put that on my car, not because I object to what people would assume it meant about my political leanings, but rather because I could never live up to it.  Taken seriously, that's a powerful gospel prayer—and I couldn't claim to mean it consistently enough.  I have too much Jonah in me.  Some days, I can feel pretty good about the command to us to love our enemies . . . but that's only when I don't really have any enemies around.  At times when I've actually been suffering, I've been much less sanguine about that.  God send me grace to love my enemies when I actually have them.

The theological politics of John Rawls

Those of you who are interested in political philosophy ought to check out William Galston's TNR piece on the roots of John Rawls' views in his college flirtation with serious Christian theology.  I can't claim more than a superficial knowledge of Rawls' work, but the questions Galston raises are interesting ones.

Continuing reflections concerning egalitarianism and heresy

Following on my previous post . . .

Again, the nub of my argument in the post that touched off this discussion was as follows:

Heretical doctrine is not merely doctrine which is in error, but doctrine which is in error on the core matters of the Christian faith, in such a way that the doctrine fundamentally threatens the integrity of the gospel message; it's a significant departure from what C. S. Lewis called 'mere Christianity,' nothing else, and nothing less.

James Altena, another of my interlocutors, considered this a nefarious statement:

First, this substantially subscribes to the infamous PECUSA Bp. Righter trial assertion of "core doctrine"—which was, of course, a category invented precisely to provide a green light to all sorts of heresies, as the sequel has shown.

Interestingly, he followed that up by contradicting himself:

No orthodox thinker denies that certain doctrines are more critical to faith (in the doctrinal sense) that others.

Thanks for conceding my point.  I'm not sure why he felt the need to call it "infamous" and "a category invented precisely to provide a green light to all sorts of heresies" first, but whatever works, I guess.  Of course, having called my point orthodox, he then proceeded to return to attacking it, charging me with two fallacies.  First,

It implicitly presumes that some doctrines are not inter-related but independent, and therefore that an erroneous or heretical doctrine can be quarantined from its effects on other doctrines. Thus, a lower-level error or heresy does not necessarily imply a high (or deeper) level error, or else cannot spread more deeply and lethally. But heresy is like gangrene—it spreads, and penetrates more deeply, so that one goes from losing some flesh, to losing appendages, to losing limbs, and finally to losing life itself.

I have several responses here.  One, there is no such presumption.  All doctrines are interrelated, as in fact all our beliefs about everything are interrelated.  The presumption, rather, is that while theoretically, a small theological error (such as, I believe, the refusal to baptize infants) could spread throughout our theology and poison the whole thing, practically, that rarely happens.  Such errors do not directly challenge the "doctrines [that] are more critical to faith," and we either do not perceive the indirect challenge they pose or find some line of argument that convinces us that there is no challenge, and so in fact the error does not spread at all.

Two, the difference between doctrines which are merely errant and those which are heretical is precisely between those which do not generally spread, because they do not directly contradict the essential tenets of the Christian faith (to borrow a phrase), and those which do.

Three, the alternative to this position is to declare us all lousy rotten heretics and have done with it—or, if you're arrogant enough to think yourself pure, to take the Roger Williams route and conclude that the only possible pure church is one that only includes you.  None of us is free from theological error, and so if any error is sufficient to be called heresy, then none of us can escape the label.  Of course, once you get to that point, the word becomes meaningless, and you need a new one to describe the errors which actually do destroy people.

Second, Altena contends,

It implicitly presumes that traditionalists believe (contrary to I Cor. 13) that doctrinal accuracy alone suffices for salvation apart from charity. Or, to put it a bit differently, that they hold faith to be fundamentally doctrinal, rather than primarily a matter of trust [pistis]. In fact, traditionalists actually hold instead that adherence to orthodoxy is properly an act of willing submission, obedience, and humility, which is a sign of such trust.

Again, there is no such assumption; in this case, I don't even see how he thinks this logically follows.  As such, I'm really not sure how to respond to this one except to say that some traditionalists are guilty of that error, and some aren't.

Moving on, he writes,

Second, this fails to distinguish between heresy and theological error. Heresy is knowing and intentional rejection of orthodoxy; theological error is unknowing or unintentional rejection. Hence, while all theological error may imperil salvation to a greater or lesser degree, it is heresy that ensures it—not due to the magnitude or centrality of the error, but rather due to the sin of pride involved in the very manner in which the heresy is held and asserted.

This is purely a doozy.  By that standard, straightforwardly interpreted, the only heretics are those who take the stance of Richard III:  "I am determined to prove a villain/And hate the idle pleasures of these days."  Only those who are actively trying to be heretics are heretics—no one else is.  That would be an extraordinarily generous stance.

Of course, it seems safe to me to say that that isn't what Altena means at all.  I think Tyler Dawn cut to the core of this one:  given his previous statements, it seems to me that what he really means is "Heresy is knowing and intentional rejection of orthodoxy according to my definition of orthodoxy."  Those who hold different positions merely because they haven't had the chance to agree with him get off with the lesser label of "theological error."  He may accuse others of pride, but I think he shows some of his own at this point.

Continuing on with Altena's arguments, he says,

Third, a heretical view of divine anthropology indeed "fundamentally threatens the integrity of the gospel message" because it does imperil salvation.

I would of course agree with that, aside from his poor grammar.  I simply deny that the line is where he says it is.

Mr. Harrison speciously tries here to invoke the support of C. S. Lewis.

No, I was merely giving attribution to the quote and concept.  Academic politeness, nothing more.

He should go back and read Lewis' essay, "Priestesses in the Church?", in which Lewis made it as evident as possible that he did regard women's ordination as being, to use Mr. Harrison's own term, one of the "core matters of the Christian faith," the adoption of which would have as its inevitable and necessary end a reversion to paganism.

That's fine.  I freely admit that I haven't read the essay, but I have no trouble believing that Lewis took that position.  I also have no trouble believing that if that's the case, then he was mistaken.  By Altena's logic, I should now proceed to declare Lewis a heretic—but I won't.

Finally, Altena contends that

the fundamental division reflected here is that which I have termed essentialism vs. functionalism. For those who may wish to brave it, a lengthy essay I wrote upon the topic was posted several months ago.

Having read the essay (I respect the Baylys), I think there's a lot of truth in it.  I disagree with his concept of "essentialism" to this extent:  I believe it is not "a divinely created and endowed unique inherent constitution" that "both endows it with an inherent and ineradicable value, and intrinsically determines its capacities and relations to other things, and thus orders them all to their proper goals or ends"; I believe, rather, that it is God who endows, determines, and orders.  It may seem a small point, and for the purposes of his argument, it is; I do think it's a telling one as to his mindset and approach, however.  I also think that to the extent that his grand philosophical argument connects to the practical issue of gender roles, those connections are asserted rather than argued, and that what he's arguing against is a caricature of gender egalitarianism that no one (that I know of, anyway) who holds that position would recognize.  It's easy to argue against people if you don't care what they actually believe.

Finally, we have Kamilla's comment, which I must confess I found irresistably amusing.  Her criticism provoked me to two thoughts:  first, that she's obviously never seen me argue; and second, that since I was working off a comment by Mark Driscoll, she essentially accused him of contributing to "the feminication of discourse."  The irony is astounding.  Kamilla appears to be one who believes that the only alternative to "just be nice" (something for which I did not, do not, and will never argue) is to unleash one's anger at everything bad.  Beyond pointing out that one can in fact say something "without hesitation . . . firmly, forcefully and leaving the listener in no doubt" while also doing so gently, lovingly, and in a spirit of sorrow rather than anger, I will simply direct her to James:

let every person be quick to hear, slow to speak, slow to anger; for the anger of man does not produce the righteousness of God.

As a coda, let me respond to TUD's comments on the first part of this post:

Pastor Harrison, do you consider your response pastoral when you write "poor crippled excuse for an elipsis"?

Actually, yes, I do.  A few raps over the knuckles like that from his teachers might have taught him to be kinder to the language; leaving people with a poor command of English does them no favors.  One rap over the knuckles to me for misspelling "ellipsis."

I'm just pointing out the unspoken presupposition on your part. Furthermore, there are some Christians who don't accept a hierarchy of doctrines.

It wasn't unspoken; and I've known of very few Christians who don't accept any hierarchy of doctrines, whatever they may say.  As far as I can tell, they're about as common as liberals who are actually as tolerant as they claim to be.

You think that egalitarianism doesn't merit the charge of heresy. Dr. Hutchens does. Ergo, there's no consensual agreement.

I believe the proper response here is "Duh!" Obviously there's no consensual agreement—that would be why we're disagreeing.  The point is, the fact that we're disagreeing doesn't mean neither of us is right—and therefore, equally, the fact that we're disagreeing doesn't in and of itself mean that I'm wrong.

If I understand your argument correctly, you're saying that only doctrines which merit something along the lines of "Let him be accursed" deserves to be called a heresy? Is that your position?

My position is that Paul clearly does not regard all false doctrines as equally serious errors, though he regards all of them as equally false.

That's one of your major problems. You're not drawing on the wisdom of Christians of all ages in discussing this issue.

I didn't say I'm not drawing on their wisdom; actually, I explicitly said the opposite.  What I said is that I don't consider myself constrained by stare decisis.

Well, with all due respect, I must also confess to being rather underwhelmed by your arguments in your original post and in this one as well.

He is of course entitled to his opinion.